By Ghulam Haider
Pakistan’s politics has never been short of drama, but recent developments inside the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) mark a particularly difficult moment for the party. The resignation of Salman Akram Raja, PTI’s Secretary General, and the announcement by Hammad Azhar that he will not contest the election from NA-129, are not isolated moves. Together, they reflect a larger crisis of confidence within PTI’s leadership ranks at a time when the party is already under relentless pressure.
Salman Akram Raja, a respected lawyer and constitutional expert, brought credibility and seriousness to PTI when it faced mounting legal and political challenges. His departure, therefore, is more than a routine resignation. It signals the erosion of institutional strength at the party’s center. Raja’s presence reassured supporters that PTI was not just a populist movement but also capable of fighting its battles through constitutional means. Losing him weakens both the image and functionality of the party.
The reasons behind his decision may be couched in polite terms, but the deeper cause is clear: PTI has struggled to maintain unity, strategy, and cohesion in the face of constant crackdowns. For a party that once promised institutional depth, the exit of such figures shows that it has not been able to live up to that promise.
Meanwhile, Hammad Azhar’s withdrawal from NA-129 in Lahore raises additional doubts. Azhar is among PTI’s more polished leaders and one of its key representatives in Punjab. By stepping back, he has left PTI without a strong candidate in a crucial constituency. His decision, whether based on personal calculations or the grim political environment, reflects the vulnerability even senior PTI leaders feel. Lahore remains a PML-N stronghold, but PTI’s inability to field its prominent candidates there signals weakness that could ripple across Punjab.
Taken together, Raja’s resignation and Azhar’s withdrawal underscore PTI’s fragility. The state’s pressure on PTI is undeniable, but internal disarray is compounding the damage. Leaders are leaving, stepping back, or staying quiet, while the party’s central leadership has failed to project a clear strategy. This leaves grassroots supporters confused and fatigued.
These setbacks raise difficult questions. Can PTI remain a coherent political force if its senior leaders lose faith? Will its narrative of resistance carry any meaning if the professionals and political figures who once embodied it are no longer in the arena? And how long before its base, particularly the youth that once provided unmatched energy, begins to disengage?
For Pakistan’s democracy, this internal unraveling carries wider consequences. PTI represents one of the country’s largest political movements. Weakening it into near irrelevance does not just shrink PTI , it narrows the spectrum of political choice. Democracy functions best when multiple voices compete. If defections and withdrawals continue, Pakistan risks a return to one-party dominance that undermines political balance.
It is equally significant that leaders like Raja and Azhar are among PTI’s more moderate and polished figures. Their sidelining leaves space for harsher voices to dominate, deepening polarization when the country badly needs reconciliation.
For PTI, survival depends critically on whether it can restore organizational unity and convince its leadership to remain actively engaged despite mounting adversity. At a time when defections and withdrawals are increasing, the perception of disarray at the top can quickly demoralize the party’s supporters and volunteers. Without visible coherence in leadership and clear strategic direction, the grassroots base , which has historically been PTI’s strongest asset , cannot be expected to mobilize effectively during elections or in times of political confrontation. The party must therefore take immediate steps to rebuild trust among second-tier leaders, ensuring that mid-level office bearers feel valued, heard, and capable of contributing meaningfully to the party’s agenda. Providing clear guidance, a defined plan of action, and transparent communication channels will be essential to prevent further fragmentation. Moreover, PTI must demonstrate, through decisive action and strategic campaigning, that it remains capable of contesting elections even under hostile circumstances, thereby reassuring both its supporters and the wider public that the party continues to be a credible political force. In essence, this is a moment when PTI must combine organizational discipline with a renewed sense of purpose, making it clear that the party’s internal challenges will not prevent it from performing effectively in the political arena.
At the same time, Pakistan’s political system cannot afford to hollow out PTI entirely. Neutral observers have long warned that a political system with a silenced opposition is unstable and lacks legitimacy. Allowing fair competition, even for PTI, is essential for a functioning democracy.
In the end, both Raja’s resignation and Azhar’s withdrawal mark one of the toughest moments in PTI’s history. Whether it reinvents itself or drifts toward irrelevance depends not only on its internal leadership but also on whether Pakistan’s political environment permits fair participation. If PTI fails to stabilize soon, it risks fading from a national movement into a fractured opposition. For a country already burdened with economic and governance crises, the collapse of a major political force would not just be PTI’s loss, it would be a blow to Pakistan’s fragile democracy.
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