Gilgit-Baltistan is usually described in terms of its mountains, glaciers, lakes and valleys. It is the land of K2, the Karakoram, the Hindu Kush, the Himalaya, the old Silk Route and the Karakoram Highway. For tourists, it is a paradise. For Pakistan, it is a strategic northern gateway. For its own people, it is a home still waiting for clearer constitutional recognition, stronger public services, inclusive development and a fairer share in national decision-making.
The history of Gilgit-Baltistan is much older than the present political debate. Its valleys have been linked with ancient trade routes, Buddhist heritage, local princely states, Dogra rule and the political upheavals of 1947. After independence, the region came under Pakistan’s administrative control, but its constitutional status remained unsettled. For decades, it was known as the Northern Areas. Later reforms, especially the 2009 Self-Governance Order and the 2018 governance framework, gave it an elected Assembly, Chief Minister and Governor, but not the full constitutional status of a province.
This is the central contradiction of Gilgit-Baltistan. Its people vote, pay taxes, serve in the armed forces, protect the frontiers, host strategic infrastructure, support tourism and contribute to Pakistan’s identity. Yet they do not have full representation in the National Assembly and the Senate, unlike citizens of the four provinces. This democratic gap explains why political rights remain the most sensitive issue in every election.
The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly has 33 members. Twenty-four are directly elected from territorial constituencies, six seats are reserved for women, and three are reserved for technocrats and professionals. This structure gives the region an elected government, but its powers remain limited compared with a province. Major decisions involving constitutional status, finance, natural resources and strategic planning remain closely tied to Islamabad.
The political journey since 2009 reflects Pakistan’s broader party politics. The PPP formed the first government after the 2009 reforms, with Syed Mehdi Shah as Chief Minister. In 2015, PML-N won, and Hafiz Hafeezur Rehman became Chief Minister. In 2020, PTI formed the government under Khalid Khurshid. After his disqualification in 2023, Haji Gulbar Khan became Chief Minister through a coalition supported by a PTI forward group, PPP and PML-N members. The Assembly completed its tenure in November 2025, after which a caretaker setup took charge.
The next Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly elections are scheduled for June 7, 2026. The contest is intense and fragmented. According to the final candidate list, 403 candidates are contesting across 24 constituencies, including 272 independents and 131 party candidates. PPPP is contesting 23 seats, PML-N 22, IPP 15, Pakistan Muslim League 11, Islami Tehreek Pakistan and Pakistan Nazriyati Party 10 each, JUI 9, MWM 7, Jamaat-e-Islami and MQM 6 each, and Awami Workers Party 4. The large number of independent candidates shows the continuing strength of local personalities, community networks and constituency-level issues.
PTI’s position in the 2026 Gilgit-Baltistan elections is complicated. The party was the strongest force after the 2020 elections and formed the government, but internal divisions, the disqualification of former Chief Minister Khalid Khurshid, the emergence of a forward bloc and defections of several PTI figures to IPP have weakened its formal position. PTI still appears to have public support in many areas, but several PTI-aligned candidates are reportedly contesting through different arrangements, including as independents. The party has alleged that it is not being given a level playing field, while the government denies these claims.
Gilgit-Baltistan’s population is around 1.7 million. The region is vast but thinly populated, with communities spread across difficult mountains and valleys. Its major districts, including Gilgit, Skardu, Diamer, Ghizer, Hunza, Nagar, Ghanche, Astore, Shigar and Kharmang, have different social, linguistic and economic realities. Public policy for this region cannot be copied from the plains. A school, hospital, road or power project in these valleys costs more, takes longer and requires mountain-sensitive planning.
Education has improved, but the gap remains serious. Overall literacy is around 53 percent, with male literacy significantly higher than female literacy. In some valleys, girls’ education has made impressive progress, supported by community institutions and civil society. In other areas, distance, poverty, social attitudes, lack of hostels and shortage of women teachers continue to restrict girls’ access to secondary and higher education. Women are central to household management, agriculture, livestock, education, social work and community resilience. Their role is real, but their political representation remains limited, especially on general seats.
The region is religiously and culturally diverse. Shia, Sunni, Ismaili and Noorbakhshi communities live across different districts and valleys. This diversity is a strength when handled with justice, respect and inclusive governance. It becomes a risk when political actors exploit sectarian identity for short-term gains. Gilgit-Baltistan’s future depends on social harmony, equal citizenship, democratic tolerance and a firm rejection of hate politics.
The economy is built around agriculture, livestock, tourism, small-scale trade, public-sector jobs, remittances, and transport. Fruit, especially apricots, cherries, apples and walnuts, has great potential. Tourism has created hotels, guesthouses, jeep services, guides, restaurants, and handicraft markets. But without planning, tourism can damage water systems, landscapes and local culture. Climate change adds another danger. Glacial lake outburst floods, landslides, changing snowfall patterns, water stress and fragile roads are no longer distant warnings. They are lived realities. Any serious development agenda for Gilgit-Baltistan must therefore combine economic opportunity with climate resilience and environmental protection.
The problems are clear: unresolved constitutional status, weak local authority, electricity shortages despite hydropower potential, poor road connectivity, limited internet, unemployment among educated youth, weak hospitals, inadequate higher education, pressure on land and natural resources, and climate vulnerability. Every party speaks about these issues, but people now need measurable commitments, not only emotional speeches.
PPP has focused its campaign on political rights, right to govern, local ownership of land and resources, employment and social welfare. PML-N has emphasized development, roads, electricity, CPEC-linked opportunities, hospitals, housing loans, youth business support, a women’s university, better internet and a comprehensive constitutional plan. Other parties and independents are campaigning around local needs, identity, representation, power supply, roads, jobs and access to public resources.
As a concerned Pakistani citizen and development practitioner, I believe the people of Gilgit-Baltistan are no longer looking only for attractive slogans. They want a serious compact based on rights, good governance and inclusive prosperity. Every candidate should explain how constitutional clarity will be pursued, how electricity will be improved within a fixed timeline, how jobs will be created beyond government departments, how land, water, forests, glaciers and minerals will be protected for local communities, and how women and youth will be brought into real decision-making. These questions are not against any party; they are in favour of the people.
Gilgit-Baltistan should not be remembered only during elections or tourist seasons. It is not only a place of beautiful mountains, lakes and valleys. It is Pakistan’s northern gateway, a climate-sensitive region, a cultural treasure and an important economic corridor. The people of Gilgit-Baltistan have shown loyalty, courage and service to Pakistan for decades. They now deserve dignity, proper representation, better opportunities, social harmony and full protection of their land and natural resources.
The real test of democracy in Gilgit-Baltistan will not be the size of public meetings or the strength of political speeches. The real test will be whether the next government can turn promises into practical results. People need better roads, reliable electricity, quality schools, improved hospitals, decent jobs, stronger women’s participation, climate resilience and real progress on constitutional rights. The mountains of Gilgit-Baltistan are among the highest in the world. The rights, hopes and future of its people should also rise to that height.
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Muhammad Anwar is a development professional and CEO of Freedom Gate Prosperity with over three decades of experience in governance and civic engagement. He writes on public policy, technology, democracy, and social development, and is committed to peace, democratic values, and sustainable prosperity in Pakistan.
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